Roe = Dred

Roe = Dred

Many viewers were puzzled when, toward the end of the second debate, George W. Bush answered a question about Supreme Court nominees by referring to the Dred Scott case.

Copy Link
Facebook
X (Twitter)
Bluesky
Pocket
Email

Many viewers were puzzled when, toward the end of the second debate, George W. Bush answered a question about Supreme Court nominees by referring to the Dred Scott case. Why bring up the infamous 1857 decision, which declared that blacks could not be citizens and, in the notorious words of Chief Justice Roger Taney, had “no rights a white man is bound to respect,” and which barred Congress from outlawing slavery in the territories? Perhaps, some wags quipped, Bush was trying to win black votes by coming out against slavery. Others suggested he was displaying his knowledge of Missouri history, or just being his usual garbled self–or maybe this was the only Supreme Court case he could think of. Here’s the passage:

“Another example [of criteria for choosing Justices] would be the Dred Scott case, which is where judges years ago said that the Constitution allowed slavery because of personal property rights. That’s personal opinion. That’s not what the Constitution says. The Constitution of the United States says we’re all–you know, it doesn’t say that. It doesn’t speak to the equality of America. And so I would pick people that would be strict constructionists.”

Bush’s language may be confused, but those who follow the anti-choice movement know that he knew exactly what he was saying: He was talking about abortion. As the blogger Paperwight puts it at http://fairshot.typepad.com/fairshot/2004/10/dred_scott_roe_.html, “Here’s what Bush actually said: ‘If elected to another term, I promise that I will nominate Supreme Court Justices who will overturn Roe v. Wade.'” If you didn’t realize that, it’s because you weren’t meant to. The President was speaking to his base, in code.

Anti-choicers, who often compare themselves to abolitionists, have referenced Dred Scott virtually since Roe was decided. A Google search of “Dred Scott abortion [minus] paperwight” turned up 3,960 hits. Both decisions, they argue, denied citizenship, human rights and legal protection to a class of human beings wrongly characterized as property; both forbade legislators from correcting this injustice; both show the need to overturn immoral precedents, stare decisis be damned. That he was thinking about Roe explains Bush’s odd characterization of Dred Scott as “personal opinion,” which got him tangled up when he belatedly realized that–whoops–the Constitution didn’t grant “equality to all”; it permitted slavery. “Personal opinion” is what anti-choicers think Roe is. “Strict construction” means overturning it.

When pro-choicers raise the alarm about the threat to abortion rights in a second Bush Administration, they get a big ho-hum from pundits, both left and right. Democratic candidates don’t talk about abortion at all if they can possibly avoid it. No wonder voters are complacent–even young women seem to assume abortion will always be legal just because, for them, it always has been. But at the Friday debate Bush tipped his hand: Now we know that while millions of pro-choice voters assume Bush can’t seriously want to overturn Roe, he is telegraphing to millions of anti-choice voters exactly how serious he is. The amazing thing is, he can pass his message to his base on national television, with every journalist in the country glued to the screen, and it takes a blogger to decode it for the rest of us.

For Bush, Roe = Dred. Spread the word.

Disobey authoritarians, support The Nation

Over the past year you’ve read Nation writers like Elie Mystal, Kaveh Akbar, John Nichols, Joan Walsh, Bryce Covert, Dave Zirin, Jeet Heer, Michael T. Klare, Katha Pollitt, Amy Littlefield, Gregg Gonsalves, and Sasha Abramsky take on the Trump family’s corruption, set the record straight about Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s catastrophic Make America Healthy Again movement, survey the fallout and human cost of the DOGE wrecking ball, anticipate the Supreme Court’s dangerous antidemocratic rulings, and amplify successful tactics of resistance on the streets and in Congress.

We publish these stories because when members of our communities are being abducted, household debt is climbing, and AI data centers are causing water and electricity shortages, we have a duty as journalists to do all we can to inform the public.

In 2026, our aim is to do more than ever before—but we need your support to make that happen. 

Through December 31, a generous donor will match all donations up to $75,000. That means that your contribution will be doubled, dollar for dollar. If we hit the full match, we’ll be starting 2026 with $150,000 to invest in the stories that impact real people’s lives—the kinds of stories that billionaire-owned, corporate-backed outlets aren’t covering. 

With your support, our team will publish major stories that the president and his allies won’t want you to read. We’ll cover the emerging military-tech industrial complex and matters of war, peace, and surveillance, as well as the affordability crisis, hunger, housing, healthcare, the environment, attacks on reproductive rights, and much more. At the same time, we’ll imagine alternatives to Trumpian rule and uplift efforts to create a better world, here and now. 

While your gift has twice the impact, I’m asking you to support The Nation with a donation today. You’ll empower the journalists, editors, and fact-checkers best equipped to hold this authoritarian administration to account. 

I hope you won’t miss this moment—donate to The Nation today.

Onward,

Katrina vanden Heuvel 

Editor and publisher, The Nation

Ad Policy
x