Democrats Are Ceding Control of the Judiciary Because of… Tradition
To counter the damage Trump did to the judiciary by stuffing it with conservative judges, Biden & Co need to act fast. Right now, they’re not in any hurry.
By any objective measure, President Joe Biden has been incredibly successful with his judicial nominations. He appointed a record number of judges in his first year in office, and 88 percent of his nominees have been confirmed by the Senate—no small feat given the Democrats’ slim majority in that body (thank you, Vice President Kamala Harris). And Biden’s nominees have been incredibly diverse in terms of gender, ethnicity, and experience.
Unfortunately, Biden cannot be judged by an objective measure. His appointments must be viewed in the context of his immediate predecessor, Donald Trump, and Trump’s makeover of the federal judiciary in the Federalist Society’s image.
By that measure, Biden is not doing all he needs to do. According to the Brookings Institute, Trump appointed a record-setting 177 district court judges, 53 circuit court judges, and three Supreme Court judges in his four years. Biden has appointed only 126 district court judges, 39 circuit court judges, and one Supreme Court justice in his first three years. Biden still has time to make up the gap, but he is already behind Trump’s three-year output, and the fourth year is when Trump got serious about remaking the courts. It’s important to remember that in 2020, Trump’s last year in office, he and Mitch McConnell turned the Senate into a judicial-confirmation machine.
Thus far, the same cannot be said of Biden or Senate Judiciary Chairman Dick Durbin. As of this writing, there are 59 open seats throughout the federal judiciary. Biden has made nominations for only 22 of those seats; critics, meanwhile, say that confirmations tapered during the last year. That tapering, per a recent New York Times article, “likely put the Trump administration threshold out of reach for Mr. Biden and Democrats in an election year when the Senate will be gone from the Capitol for long stretches.”
In a message to The Nation, Durbin’s office defended his record, saying that his committee has scheduled votes and hearings on most of the pending nominations—and he told The Times that he aims to confirm at least 29 more judges before the year. Again, objectively, this is all fine. The problem is that it still lags behind the pace set by Trump.
Establishment Democrats and Durbin defenders blame Republicans for the recent slow-down. A couple of months ago, the Republicans on the Judiciary Committee threw an epic hissy fit when Democrats subpoenaed Federalist Society svengali Leonard Leo and conservative judicial sugar daddy Harlan Crow to appear before the committee in an ethics probe. Since then, Republicans have been using every possible procedural trick to slow the confirmation process.
But the larger problem is Durbin’s insistence on honoring what is known as the “blue slip” process for judicial nominations. The blue slip allows senators to weigh in on a president’s judicial nominee from their state, and to do so before the nomination is made to the wider body. Traditionally, if a senator approves of the nominee, they will return a “blue slip” and the confirmation process can go forward; if the senator disapproves, the president finds a more agreeable nominee. It’s one of the reasons “red states” end up with conservative federal courts, while “blue states” end up with liberal ones.
Like the filibuster, the blue slip is not a constitutional rule or a federal statute; it’s just another anachronistic, antidemocratic tradition born in the Jim Crow South and maintained by the broken Senate. And, like the filibuster, former Senate majority leader McConnell simply ignored it in the case of circuit court nominations when it stood between Republicans and judicial power. McConnell and Trump didn’t let the lack of blue slips stop them from appointing ultraconservative judges to the Second Circuit (which covers New York) or the Ninth Circuit (which covers California and most of the West).
Durbin continues to use blue slips for district court nominations. He claims to merely be continuing the precedent set by Republicans, when they began ignoring blue slips for the circuit courts but continued to use them for district courts. But the reality is that Republicans are using the power of the blue slips to prevent liberal judges from being appointed in red states.
Of the current vacancies in the judiciary, 33 are in states with at least one Republican senator. Only 19 percent of Biden’s judges thus far have been sent to states with one Republican senator. By contrast, 51 percent of Trump’s nominees went to a state with at least one Democratic senator.
Durbin told The New York Times that he thinks that honoring blue slips is a way to ensure more moderate Republican nominees, should Republicans retake the Senate and the White House. Critics, including me, believe that failing to use the power to shape the judiciary now, while he has it, is… failure.
It’s like Biden and Durbin are trying to chase down the people who have kidnapped the federal judiciary, but they won’t drive over 55 mph because they’re worried about violating the speed limit. There’s no mystery as to why they’re falling behind. They’re adhering to rules the other side won’t follow. It’s, frankly, pathetic.
Biden and Durbin won’t force judges into Republican-controlled enclaves, and they can’t run up the score in Democratic states because—and I can’t believe I have to type this—old-ass liberal judges won’t retire and let Biden appoint their lifetime replacement while he still can. Of the 17 circuit court judges appointed by Barack Obama or Bill Clinton who became eligible in the last year for “senior status” (a semi-retirement that allows judges to vacate their seat but still draw their full salary and work on cases), only three relinquished their power and allowed Biden to replace them. Three, y’all. Only three of these people were able to look at the 2024 Senate electoral map, and an actuarial table, and piece together the information wisely. Excuse me while I say “Ruth Bader Ginsburg” in my bathroom mirror three times and wait for the sweet release of death.
I do not know what to say to Biden, Durbin, 14 judges appointed by Democratic presidents, and the wider liberal intelligentsia to make them take the courts more seriously. Republicans are ruthless when it comes to judicial appointments, confirmations, and retirements. Their rewards have been a judiciary that takes away abortion rights, allows polluters to befoul the earth, destroys organized labor, menaces transgender kids, commandeers federal immigration policy, and makes it easy for mass shooters to accumulate weapons.
Democrats lose on all of these issues, despite having policies with broad, popular appeal, because Democrats have lost control of the courts. We are mere months away from a potential reordering of political power in this country, and we have the opportunity to appoint people who are immune to such political headwinds and can hold power for literal decades, yet Biden is waiting for senators like Ted Cruz and Tommy Tuberville to return a slip of paper that approves his use of the constitutional power to appoint judges.
It is maddening. It is malpractice. And yet it has been the modus operandi of the Democratic Party during my lifetime. This right here is why we fail.
Correction: An earlier version of this article stated that “McConnell and Trump didn’t let the lack of blue slips stop them from appointing ultraconservative judges to the…DC Circuit.” That was incorrect: blue slips were never used in DC Circuit appointments since the circuit does not include any home states. The article also stated that Senator Durbin “brought the blue slip back.” He did not bring it back for circuit court nominees but rather continued using it for district court nominees, as his predecessor Senator Charles Grassley had done.
We cannot back down
We now confront a second Trump presidency.
There’s not a moment to lose. We must harness our fears, our grief, and yes, our anger, to resist the dangerous policies Donald Trump will unleash on our country. We rededicate ourselves to our role as journalists and writers of principle and conscience.
Today, we also steel ourselves for the fight ahead. It will demand a fearless spirit, an informed mind, wise analysis, and humane resistance. We face the enactment of Project 2025, a far-right supreme court, political authoritarianism, increasing inequality and record homelessness, a looming climate crisis, and conflicts abroad. The Nation will expose and propose, nurture investigative reporting, and stand together as a community to keep hope and possibility alive. The Nation’s work will continue—as it has in good and not-so-good times—to develop alternative ideas and visions, to deepen our mission of truth-telling and deep reporting, and to further solidarity in a nation divided.
Armed with a remarkable 160 years of bold, independent journalism, our mandate today remains the same as when abolitionists first founded The Nation—to uphold the principles of democracy and freedom, serve as a beacon through the darkest days of resistance, and to envision and struggle for a brighter future.
The day is dark, the forces arrayed are tenacious, but as the late Nation editorial board member Toni Morrison wrote “No! This is precisely the time when artists go to work. There is no time for despair, no place for self-pity, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language. That is how civilizations heal.”
I urge you to stand with The Nation and donate today.
Onwards,
Katrina vanden Heuvel
Editorial Director and Publisher, The Nation
More from The Nation
Democratic Governors Join Forces to Resist Trump’s Extreme Policies Democratic Governors Join Forces to Resist Trump’s Extreme Policies
California and the other powerful Democrat-led states will be the first line of defense under Trump’s new administration.
John Thune Once Objected to Trump. Does He Have the Courage to Do So Now? John Thune Once Objected to Trump. Does He Have the Courage to Do So Now?
The once and future president tried to oust Thune from the Senate in 2022. Thune won another term. Now, he’s the Senate majority leader.
Party Under Country: Dissecting the Democratic Malaise Party Under Country: Dissecting the Democratic Malaise
The party continues to operate in an overcredentialied fever dream in the face of an America becoming ever more red in tooth and claw
Skip the Inauguration, Kamala (and Everybody) Skip the Inauguration, Kamala (and Everybody)
These freakish and unqualified cabinet picks, from RFK Jr. to Matt Gaetz to Tulsi Gabbard, show that Trump is clowning you.
“We Learned Very Little From 2016”: Dean Phillips Is Still Worried About the Democratic Party’s Strategy “We Learned Very Little From 2016”: Dean Phillips Is Still Worried About the Democratic Party’s Strategy
A conversation with former Biden primary challenger Representative Phillips on the election, his run for presidency, and the future of the party.