Cheney Was a Gusher Deal for Halliburton Cheney Was a Gusher Deal for Halliburton
Let's not begrudge Dick Cheney his $36 million income last year. Sure, it dwarfs the puny $744,682 reported by the President, but George W. Bush represents old money, and he know...
Apr 17, 2000 / Column / Robert Scheer
Semper Fi, But Why? Semper Fi, But Why?
Were I to tell you that Rules of Engagement features a protracted fistfight between Samuel L.
Apr 13, 2000 / Books & the Arts / Stuart Klawans
Reparting the Waters Reparting the Waters
It is delightfully ironic that a site has been approved for the construction of a monument in Martin Luther King Jr.'s name on the Washington Mall, given that in the last months ...
Apr 13, 2000 / Books & the Arts / Jason Sokol
The Compleat Walker The Compleat Walker
Shortly before he died, Bruce Chatwin found God. This was on top of Mount Athos, after which he left for Katmandu. Looking down from the bees and grapes, he had seen an iron cros...
Apr 13, 2000 / Books & the Arts / John Leonard
Poetry Poetry
After Troy Not quite putting on what little power or knowledge pigeons lay claim to, she nonetheless bids them come. Launched off cornices,
Apr 13, 2000 / Books & the Arts / Various Contributors
History and the Holocaust History and the Holocaust
"This trial," said the plaintiff, David Irving, "is not really about what happened in the Holocaust." Opposing counsel agreed: "The essence of the case is Mr.
Apr 13, 2000 / D.D. Guttenplan
What’s Going On at Pacifica? What’s Going On at Pacifica?
Pacifica Radio is in trouble.
Apr 13, 2000 / Feature / John Dinges
Abortion History 101 Abortion History 101
Thirty years ago in early April, three years before Roe v. Wade, male politicians--urged on by doctors, lawyers and lobbyists--struck down New York State's restrictive abortion law, under which nearly all abortions were illegal. The measure was supported by Republican Governor Nelson Rockefeller, defended by a senator who had witnessed the death of a young girl from complications of an illegal abortion, and it passed because one assemblyman changed his vote--Democrat George Michaels, who trembled as he told his colleagues that he knew he was signing his political death warrant. Weren't those men brave and noble to take such risks for women? Yes, they were--if only we had more like them today! But something is missing from what seems to be emerging as the official version of events. In a long front-page story ('70 Abortion Law: New York Said Yes, Stunning the Nation, April 9), the New York Times recalled New York State's historic moment through the voices of ten people: all but two men, all but two politicians. On National Public Radio and on the air in Albany, the focus was the same. You would never know that women played a role in their own liberation. Indeed, Barbara Shack, then an organizer with the New York Civil Liberties Union, now president of the board of NARAL, helpfully told the Times that "the campaign to change the law was largely run by men." As a policy matter among politicians, lobbyists and doctors, that's true. But policy change doesn't happen in a vacuum--physicians, and politicians too, had watched women die from illegal abortions for decades without being willing to do anything about it. What's missing from these accounts of legalization is the feminist activism that made it happen. Beginning in l969, radical feminists held speakouts on abortion, at which hundreds of women went public with their own experiences: "I spoke first," recalls historian Rosalyn Baxandall of the initial speakout in New York, held at Washington Square Methodist Church, "and was totally scared--I could lose my job or go to jail. Who knew?" While the legislature was stymied--minor reform bills had been proposed in 1967, '68 and '69 but had been defeated in the Assembly--women lawyers mounted a federal court challenge to the New York State law that had the 1970 legislature terrified of being left with no abortion law at all, recalls Emily Jane Goodman, now a judge. There were demonstrations, a feminist speakers' bureau, lobbying efforts in Albany and brilliant and tireless organizing by Lucinda Cisler, co-founder of New Yorkers for Abortion Law Repeal. There was a flourishing abortion underground--from Jane in Chicago to the Clergy Consultation Service at New York City's Judson Memorial Church--and around the country, people knew about it. In l969, feminists invaded and disrupted the New York State legislature's "expert hearing" on abortion law reform (the experts being fourteen men and a nun) and insisted on a total repeal of the law, not the minor reforms then under consideration. This dramatic action was widely, if not always respectfully, reported--Gals Squeal for Repeal was one headline. "The very moderate reform law of 1969 failed to pass," notes Ellen Willis, who took part in that disruption, "yet just a year later the same legislature passed the most liberal law in the country. Guess all those guys just had a spontaneous change of heart." Feminists have labored so hard to make women visible, it's galling to see them erased from the legalization narrative--while they are still alive, yet. These are the same women--New York Radical Women, Redstockings--who have gone down in history, inaccurately, as the notorious "bra burners" at the 1968 Miss America pageant in Atlantic City, and whose slogan "the personal is political" is now so widely ridiculed. If the memory of activism and struggle fades so quickly, it's little wonder that legal abortion feels to so many women like a gift from on high, another in the long list of things over which they have little control and which they are constantly being told in one way or another isn't all that important anyway. After all, the reason the University of Arizona hospital doesn't perform or teach abortion today is that in 1974 the university agreed to ban abortion from its premises in return for $5.5 million from the state legislature to build a football stadium--so women's health matters less than college sports, just the way contraception matters less than Viagra when insurance companies decide what to cover. Similarly, Arianna Huffington (sorry, I can't help myself) quotes Marc Cooper's quip that the two parties are so alike, they should change their names to "the Pro-Life Corporate Party and the Pro-Choice Corporate Party"--imagine casting a vote along such trivial lines! Actually, more accurate names would be the Pro-Confederate Flag Party and the Anti-Confederate Flag Party--but racism, even symbolic racism, isn't a laugh line. Women's lives are. Why does it matter if the role of activism is dropped from the historical record? History denied repeats itself. Today, abortion rights and abortion access are under threat on a hundred fronts--legislative bans on "partial birth" abortions, Catholic-secular hospital mergers, denial of insurance coverage, not to mention arson and violence and a constant barrage of anti-choice propaganda. Young women need to know that abortion rights and abortion access are not presents bestowed or retracted by powerful men (or women)--Presidents, Supreme Court Justices, legislators, lobbyists--but freedoms won, as freedom always is, by people struggling on their own behalf. "Don't tone it down, be moderate or ladylike, or accept the lesser evil," says Baxandall today. How will people get that message if the news media tell them that women's major contribution to legalizing abortion was to say thank you after it was over? * * * Around the country, abortion funds help poor women pay for abortions. You can help these always-strapped grassroots efforts by sending a contribution to the National Network of Abortion Funds c/o CLPP, Hampshire College, Amherst, MA 01002.
Apr 13, 2000 / Column / Katha Pollitt
A Question Concerning Al Gore’s Reconsideration of the Elián González Case A Question Concerning Al Gore’s Reconsideration of the Elián González Case
Sure, in our hearts we always knew That Albert Gore would always do Whatever it might take for him to win. How come, then, that this single case
Apr 13, 2000 / Column / Calvin Trillin
Bush Could Really Use a Fireside Chat With FDR Bush Could Really Use a Fireside Chat With FDR
It's cherry blossom time in Washington, DC, and there's no better place to retreat from the lobbyist feeding ground that is called the US Congress than the Franklin Delano Roosev...
Apr 10, 2000 / Column / Robert Scheer